We have seen, in the example of the United States how the dynamic
elements within society understood the need for unity and fought
their bitter civil war to maintain the political union that was
threatened by the reactionary forces. We have also seen, in the
example of the Soviet Union, how the forging of continental unity
along with the retention of national sovereignty by the federal
states, has achieved a dynamism that has lifted a most backward
society into a most powerful unit within a remarkably short space
of time. From the examples before us, in Europe and the United
States of America, it is therefore patent that we in Africa have the
resources, present and potential, for creating the kind of society
that we are anxious to build. It is calculated that by the end of this
century the population of Africa will probably exceed five hundred
millions.
Our continent gives us the second largest land stretch in the world.
The natural wealth of Africa is estimated to be greater than that of
almost any other continent in the world. To draw the most from our
existing and potential means for the achievement of abundance
and a fine social order, we need to unify our efforts, our resources,
our skills and intentions.
At present most of the independent African states are moving in
directions, which expose us to the dangers of imperialism and
neocolonialism. We therefore need a common political basis for the
integration of our policies in economic planning, defense, foreign
and diplomatic relations. That basis for political action need not
infringe the essential sovereignty of the separate African states.
These states would continue to exercise independent authority,
except in the fields defined and reserved for common action in the
interests of the security and orderly development of the whole
continent.
In my view, therefore, a united Africa – that is, the political and
economic unification of the African Continent – should seek three
objectives.
Firstly, we should have an over-all economic planning on a
continental basis. This would increase the industrial and economic
power of Africa. So long as we remain balkanized, regionally or
territorially, we shall be at the mercy of colonialism and
imperialism. The lesson of the South American Republics vis-รก-vis
the strength and solidarity of the United States of America is there
for all to see.
Secondly, we should aim at the establishment of a unified military
and defense strategy. I do not see much virtue or wisdom in our
separate efforts to build up or maintain vast military forces for self-
defense which, in any case, would be ineffective in any major attack
upon our separate states. If we examine this problem realistically,
we should be able to ask ourselves this pertinent question: which
single state in Africa today can protect its sovereignty against an
imperialist aggressor?
The third objective which we should have in Africa stems from the
first two which I have just described . . . a unified foreign policy
and diplomacy to give political direction to our joint efforts for the
protection and economic development of our continent . . . The
desirability of a common foreign policy which will enable us to
speak with one voice in the councils of the world, is so obvious,
vital and imperative that comment is hardly necessary.
I am confident that it should be possible to devise a constitutional
structure applicable to our special conditions in Africa and not
necessarily framed in terms of the existing constitutions of Europe,
America or elsewhere, which will enable us to secure the objectives
I have defined and yet preserve to some extent the sovereignty of
each state within a Union of African states.
We might erect for the time being a constitutional form that could
start with those states willing to create a nucleus, and leave the
door open for the attachment of others as they desire to join or
reach the freedom which would allow them to do so. The form
could be made amenable to adjustment and amendment at any
time the consensus of opinion is for it. It may be that concrete
expression can be given to our present ideas within a continental
parliament that would provide a lower and an upper house, the one
to permit the discussion of the many problems facing Africa by a
representation based on population; the other, ensuring the
equality of the associated states, regardless of size and population,
by a similar, limited representation from each of them, to formulate
a common policy in all matters affecting the security, defense and
development of Africa. It might, through a committee selected for
the purpose, examine likely solutions to the problems of union and
draft a more conclusive form of constitution that will be acceptable
to all the independent states.
The survival of free Africa, the extending independence of this
continent, and the development towards that bright future on
which our hopes and endeavors are pinned, depend upon political
unity.
Under a major political union of Africa there could emerge a United
Africa, great and powerful, in which the territorial boudoirs which
are the relics of colonialism will become obsolete and superfluous,
working for the complete and total mobilization of the economic
planning organization under a unified political direction. The forces
that unite us are far greater than the difficulties that divide us at
present, and our goal must be the establishment of Africa's dignity,
progress and prosperity.
Acknowledgements
Kwame Nkrumah
Continental Government for Africa
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